Written by: Joel Nugent (@joelnugent25) Edited by: Ben Moody (@benbamoody)
Colombia, one of the most important countries in the Latin American region economically, geographically, culturally, historically and politically has been said to have never had a left-wing president. This changed on August 7th with the inauguration of socialist and former guerrilla Gustavo Petro to the highest office in the country. Alongside him Francia Márquez will be sworn in as the vice-president. Also a leftist, Márquez will also make history as the first Afro-Colombian sworn into the office.
In a country mired in conflict, political strife and vast inequality, Petro’s victory in the 2022 presidential elections was his third attempt to win the presidency, coming 4th place with 9% of the votes in 2010, 2nd place with 42% in the second round in 2018, until finally winning 1st with 50% of the votes in the second round in 2022. Petro experienced a meteoric rise in popularity as he became mayor of Bogotá, the capital city, in 2012, however in 2014 he was removed from office at the behest of the right-wing forces which dominated Colombian politics, this backfired as Petro became seen as the main opponent of their policies and a key opposition figure. After his loss to Iván Duque in 2018, Petro spent the next few years assembling a coalition to support him in the next election cycle. This assembled Feminists, socialists, environmentalists, indigenous and afro-Colombians as well as peace activists in a coalition called “Pacto Historico Por Colombia” (Historic pact for Colombia). This coincided with the 2021 Colombian protests which harshly resisted the right-wing political model of President Iván Duque and his neo-liberal economic policy. Petro was projected to win handily in the polls until an outsider candidate, Rodolfo Hernandez surged in the polls and made it to the second round against Petro. Hernandez was not associated with the traditional Colombian right and ran on an anti-corruption ticket which campaigned especially through social media. Hernandez was also mired in controversy from past comments including suggesting he admired Adolf Hitler, before correcting himself later to say he meant to say Albert Einstein, as well as allegations of misogyny. The post-first round polls suggested Hernandez may win, but after switching strategy to beat Hernandez, including a popular speech in which he proclaimed: “you cannot beat corruption through tik tok” Petro won a three-point victory over his opponent.
But Petro and Márquez taking office is not just another example of a left-wing candidate winning an election in Latin America as is commonplace there, this victory could perhaps permanently alter the dynamics of the region, and the trajectory of Colombia. Petro’s administration will have one overarching issue which will decide Colombia’s future: Forming a lasting Peace.
Colombia has experienced a particularly violent recent history, in the late 1940’s after the assassination of left-wing presidential candidate Jorge Eliécer Gaitán, Colombia experienced a 10-year civil war known as “La Volencia” (the violence) which claimed the lives of about 200,000 people. Then, in the early 1960’s those who were dissatisfied with the post-civil war political society and influenced by Marxist thought as well as the recent revolution in Cuba formed groups such as the “Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia” (FARC) and the National Liberation Army (ELN) who began a Guerrilla campaign against the government. In 1970 after a presidential election that left many angry, the 19th of April movement (M-19) joined the war (Petro was a former member of this group), this conflict also involved the cartels including Pablo Escobar as well as far-right death squads used clandestinely by the Colombian government to kill Guerrillas. This ongoing conflict would go on to claim the lives of 450,000 people and many atrocities were committed by all sides. Progress was made and in 1990, the M-19 abandoned armed struggle as peace talks resulted in the building of a new constitution which was finished in 1991. In 2002 a man named Álvaro Uribe became President. Staunchly right wing and anti-peace process Uribe ramped up the war against the FARC and the ELN, which culminated in the discovery of the “false-positive scandal” in which is it was revealed that Uribe’s government had poor or mentally ill Colombians taken to the countryside and then killed by the military, who would then claim they were guerrillas in order to inflate the numbers of dead combatants to artificially make it appear the Colombian military was winning the war against the Guerrillas. About 6,400 innocent people lost their lives to this.
Under the next administration of President Juan Manuel Santos, peace talks began between the Colombian government and the FARC who militarily dissolved in 2017 and began adhering to the process. However, with the Uribeist candidate Iván Duque winning the 2018 election who was again against the peace deal the process was thrown into jeopardy. This history is important to recount as it shows the scale of the responsibility Petro has, FARC became the political party Comunes (Commons) which supported Petro in the Pacto Historico coalition and the ELN has said they will begin peace talks with a Petro government. If Petro is able to build a lasting peace with both groups, a large majority of the bloodshed will end, one of the most violent civil wars in the region can be ended and Colombians can move on and begin the healing process, Petro is in favour of peace, now he must build it.
The presidential campaign was inseparable from the violent war that had been raging in Colombia. During the campaign, Petro and Márquez faced credible death threats from members of the far-right paramilitaries, which meant they had to give campaign speeches behind bullet-proof glass. As well as this Rodolfo Hernandez could not campaign in Colombia for the final weeks of the election as he too was facing death threats and chose to leave the country. Colombia has had a history of progressive candidates being killed during the conflict, such as the previously mentioned Jorge Eliécer Gaitán and in 1989 presidential candidate Luis Carlos Galán was shot during a speech. This all means the peace process is vital for the political health of Colombia.
Petro’s government is committed to peace, to building a lasting agreement with the FARC and the ELN and weeding out elements of the Colombian military that have overseen massacres of civilians or who could interrupt Petro’s government as some officers have threatened. Policy wise, Petro has pledged to fully implement the 2016 peace deal. While Petro may not be able to end the war completely through his term, he has the opportunity to end a large majority of the violence
Petro’s election was a remarkable step forward for the Colombian peace movement, as many desire an end to the war that has been raging ostensibly since the 1950’s, Colombia now has an opportunity to close the book on this violent and dark chapter of Colombian history. Petro if he is able to build a lasting peace, may be one of the authors of the new Colombia.
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